The Internet and Languages [around the year 2000] — Background and Themes
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hy did the internet spread in North America first? The U.S. and Canada were leading the way in computer science and communication technology, and a connection to the internet, mainly through a phone line at the time, was much cheaper than in most countries. In Europe, avid internet users needed to navigate the web at night, when phone rates by the minute were cheaper, to cut their expenses. In 1998, some French, Italian and German users were so fed up with the high rates that they launched a movement to boycott the internet one day per week, for internet providers and phone companies to set up a special monthly rate for them. This paid off, and providers began to offer monthly "internet rates".
In the 1990s, the percentage of English decreased from nearly 100% to 80%. People from all over the world began to have access to the internet, and to post more and more webpages in their own languages.
The first major study about language distribution on the web was run by Babel, a joint initiative from Alis Technologies, a company specializing in language translation services, and the Internet Society. The results were published in June 1997 on a webpage named "Web Languages Hit Parade". The main languages were English with 82.3%, German with 4.0%, Japanese with 1.6%, French with 1.5%, Spanish with 1.1%, Swedish with 1.1%, and Italian with 1.0%.
In "Web Embraces Language Translation", an article published in ZDNN (ZDNetwork News) on 21 July 1998, Martha L. Stone explained: "This year, the number of new non-English websites is expected to outpace the growth of new sites in English, as the cyber world truly becomes a 'World Wide Web'."
According to Global Reach, a branch of Euro-Marketing Associates, an international marketing consultancy, there were 56 million non-English- speaking users in July 1998, with 22.4% Spanish-speaking users, 12.3% Japanese-speaking users, 14% German-speaking users, and 10% French- speaking users. But 80% of all webpages were still in English, whereas only 6% of the world population was speaking English as a native language, while 16% was speaking Spanish as a native language. 15% of Europe's half a billion population spoke English as a first language, 28% didn't speak English at all, and 32% were using the web in English.
Jean-Pierre Cloutier was the editor of "Chroniques de Cybérie", a weekly French-language online report of internet news. He wrote in August 1999: "We passed a milestone this summer. Now more than half the users of the internet live outside the United States. Next year, more than half of all users will be non English-speaking, compared with only 5% five years ago. Isn't that great? (...) The web is going to grow in non-English-speaking regions. So we have to take into account the technical aspects of the medium if we want to reach these 'new' users. I think it is a pity there are so few translations of important documents and essays published on the web - from English into other languages and vice versa. (...) In the same way, the recent spreading of the internet in new regions raises questions which would be good to read about. When will Spanish-speaking communication theorists and those speaking other languages be translated?"
Will the web hold as many languages as the ones spoken on our planet? This will be quite a challenge, with the 6,700 languages listed in "The Ethnologue: Languages of the World", an authoritative catalog published by SIL International (SIL: Summer Institute of Linguistics) and freely available on the web since the mid-1990s.
The year 2000 was a turning point for a multilingual internet, regarding its users. Non English-speaking users reached 50% in summer 2000. According to Global Reach, they were 52.5% in summer 2001, 57% in December 2001, 59.8% in April 2002, 64.4% in September 2003 (including 34.9% non-English-speaking Europeans and 29.4% Asians), and 64.2% in March 2004 (including 37.9% non-English-speaking Europeans and 33% Asians).
Despite the so-called English-language hegemony some non-English- speaking intellectuals were complaining about, without doing much to promote their own language, the internet was also a good medium for minority languages, as stated by Caoimhín Ó Donnaíle. Caoimhín has taught computing at the Institute Sabhal Mór Ostaig, on the Island of Skye (Scotland). He has also created and maintained the college website, as the main site worldwide with information on Scottish Gaelic, with a bilingual (English, Gaelic) list of European minority languages. He wrote in May 2001: "Students do everything by computer, use Gaelic spell-checking, a Gaelic online terminology database. There are more hits on our website. There is more use of sound. Gaelic radio (both Scottish and Irish) is now available continuously worldwide via the internet. A major project has been the translation of the Opera web-browser into Gaelic - the first software of this size available in Gaelic."
TOWARDS A "LINGUISTIC DEMOCRACY"
Marie Lebert's The Internet and Languages [around the year 2000] opens with a striking statistic: non-English-speaking internet users reached 50% in July 2000. This figure anchors a survey of how the early web grappled with linguistic diversity. The book is structured as a series of short chapters, each centered on a theme—such as 'Language Nations' or 'Linguistic Democracy'—and often introduced by a quotation from an expert or practitioner. Lebert moves briskly between topics, from encoding standards like ASCII and Unicode to machine translation, minority languages, and online dictionaries. The excerpts reveal a work built on interviews and project descriptions rather than sustained argument, giving it the feel of a documentary snapshot.
Recurring Voices and the Interview Structure
A distinctive feature of the text is its reliance on quoted testimony. Lebert frequently hands the exposition to figures such as Randy Hobler, Brian King, or Helen Dry, who speak in the first person about their work. For example, Hobler defines 'Language Nations' as virtual communities of native speakers, while King argues for 'mother-tongue surfing' as a right. These quotations are not merely illustrative; they often carry the conceptual weight of a chapter. The effect is a polyphonic structure where the author’s voice recedes, letting practitioners frame the issues. This approach mirrors the decentralized, user-driven internet the book describes. However, because the excerpts are incomplete, it is unclear how Lebert synthesizes or challenges these voices across the full work.
Movement Between Scales: From Global to Local
Lebert’s chapters shift repeatedly between global pronouncements and specific projects. The opening sections invoke the internet as a worldwide medium, then narrow to initiatives like the WELL project (Web Enhanced Language Learning) in the United Kingdom, which provided web resources in twelve languages. Similarly, the LINGUIST List is described in granular detail: founded in 1990 with 60 subscribers, it later moved from Australia to Texas, and its moderator explains policies on multilingual posting. This movement from the abstract—'linguistic democracy'—to the concrete—a moderated list with student editors—gives the book a documentary texture. The reader sees both the ideals and the logistical realities of early multilingual web efforts.
Recurring Images: Technology as Bridge and Barrier
Throughout the excerpts, technology is portrayed as both a solution and a source of new problems. Tim McKenna envisions real-time translation enabling instant communication without mediators, while Helen Dry notes that despite a policy allowing any language, most LINGUIST List subscribers choose English. The image of the internet as a 'Global Network' recurs, but it is immediately qualified by concerns about English dominance. Another recurring motif is the 'burden' on editorial staff—Dry mentions the extra work of handling multiple languages. These tensions between aspiration and practical constraint appear repeatedly, suggesting that Lebert’s book is less a celebration of the web’s potential than a sober assessment of its uneven linguistic landscape.
The Role of Institutions and Projects
Lebert devotes considerable space to describing organizations and their initiatives. EUROCALL, the LINGUIST List, and the WELL project are each given detailed treatment, including their goals, funding, and personnel. For instance, EUROCALL’s CAPITAL project focuses on computer-assisted pronunciation teaching. These descriptions are factual and often include contact information or historical notes, such as the LINGUIST List’s move from Australia to Texas. The effect is a catalog of early efforts to manage multilingualism online, but the excerpts do not reveal whether Lebert evaluates their success or compares them critically. The book appears to function partly as a reference work, documenting who did what and when, rather than advancing a single thesis.
Readers approaching The Internet and Languages [around the year 2000] should expect a mosaic of voices and projects rather than a linear argument. The book rewards attention to the interplay between quoted testimony and institutional detail. Because the text is organized thematically, it can be consulted by topic—encoding, minority languages, machine translation—without reading straight through. The excerpts suggest that Lebert’s primary contribution is to preserve a moment when the web’s linguistic future was still uncertain, and when small projects and individual advocates could shape its direction.
Reading Marie Lebert’s quiet account of how the internet once promised a kind of linguistic democracy, I found myself thinking about older hopes, older questions. An essay on the origin of language, based on modern researches, and especially on the works of M. Renan — Edition Insights stirs that same wonder—how we ever learned to speak at all, much less find each other across a wire.
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